Ex- Second-in-Command Dick Cheney: An Examination on His Powerful Time in Office
The deceased US vice-president Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was seen as arguably the most influential incumbents of that office in US history. Although numerous second-in-commands had to settle for minor or symbolic functions, Cheney held substantial power during the term of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was frequently described as the "real president".
Bush objected to this portrayal and said the dynamic was more nuanced. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, invariably referring to him in public as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush challenged even characterisations of their partnership as a collaboration because it indicated that they were on equal footing. Despite these objections, Cheney found the laidback president accommodating on a broad range of governmental choices.
The Post-9/11 Era
In charge of a group of neo-conservatives that encompassed military head Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a elementary school in Florida. While Bush headed for a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the shooting down of any unresponsive airplanes heading toward the Capitol building.
Cheney said the attacks changed him, leading him to become intent on retaliation. In conjunction with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Policies
He expressed no regrets about the armed intervention, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the harsh treatment of suspects captured after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was founded on misleading information circulated by Cheney, was the correct path to take. "It represented the proper decision to do at that time. I had faith then and I believe it now."
But even at the time, there were opposing views at a senior level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the position. "I saw, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, negligence, and irresponsibility: potentially, lying, unfitness, and dishonesty."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq invasion. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had composed a document detailing circumstances in which US concerns might be compromised (encompassing "obtaining vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be postured to operate alone when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," specifically mentioning armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had entered the Oval Office somewhat determined on carrying out what his predecessor had famously refused to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Subsequent to he had been dismissed by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his plan of diminishing America's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested defense operations against Iraq.
Bush bore a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a scheme to kill his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the largest accommodations in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a portrait of his parent's countenance that all visitors had to tread upon.
Interrogation Methods
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most vehement advocating invading Iraq, frequently quoting information documents that were whether thin or totally misleading. He supported what the Bush administration euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the application of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate report in 2014 that determined that no valuable data had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the findings as "loaded with crap". He told Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to take steps and establish initiatives to apprehend the perpetrators who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it never happened again. That's exactly what they did and they earn a lot of praise."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in labels assigned to him by critics such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a dark force manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 volume about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Do I represent the sinister strategist in the background that nobody ever sees leave his lair? That is a advantageous way to operate, truthfully."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his commercial relationships accompanied him throughout his time as second-in-command. Even though he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but strong connections in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest energy conglomerates, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's VP candidate for the presidency. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was granted US contracts totaling billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly earnings during his tenure at the corporation increased from his previous salary while defence secretary to over four million. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package totaling over $20m|twenty
